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Last November seven Australian MPs and Senators spent two days in Lhasa as part of a 12-day official visit to China - the first Australian parliamentary delegation to travel to Tibet in nearly two decades. This week we take a look through the delegation’s findings, tabled in Parliament last week. We also take a look at the latest Lowey Institute poll on Australians’ attitudes towards China.
RESULTS IN: Report of the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to China and Hong Kong
“The phrase ‘seeing is believing’ was used repeatedly by Chinese officials in relation to the visit in Tibet. However, the delegation was constrained in what it was able to see.”
- Official report on the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kong in November 2009. Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia. (p.18).
In November 2009, seven Australian MPs and Senators spent two days in Lhasa as part of a 12-day official visit to China - the first Australian parliamentary delegation to travel to Tibet in nearly two decades.
Last week Dr. Andrew Southcott MP, the delegation’s Deputy Leader, presented the delegation’s report to Parliament.
ATC staff met with several members of the delegation before and after the visit (see Political Update 4 November 2009). We reported on having been “impressed by the knowledge and motivation of the delegates with whom we met” and were most grateful for the time they put aside to meet with us. The report attests to the shrewdness of the delegation and their unwillingness to be taken for a ride. At the same time it affirms China’s nervousness at hosting foreign observers, discouragement of criticism, masking of sensitive issues and determination to propagate the state-sanctioned version of events.
“The delegation provided a valuable insight into the state of the relationship between Australia and China. But it also represented a missed opportunity, in that the delegation received no response to its requests to become better informed on the state of the Chinese energy and transport sectors, responses to the global financial crisis, trends in sustainable development and human rights. The delegation was also constrained in what it was able to see during its official visit to Tibet.” (p.2)
While containing all the usual acknowledgments and pleasantries of any official parliamentary document and pointing to a number of positive outcomes, the report is peppered throughout with signs of frustration at restricted access and a program that bore little resemblance to their objectives, no more so than in Tibet.
“Delegation members went into Tibet with an open mind to see ‘first hand’ the economic, social, religious and political situation to better inform themselves in regard to human rights. In order to achieve this, the delegation specifically requested an opportunity to meet with some of the Tibetan population and to visit a residential area.” (p.16)
The majority of the Lhasa visit consisted of a “cultural program”, including visits to the Potala Palace, Johkang Temple, Norbulingka and “Tibet Museum”. There was also an official meeting with members of the Standing Committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region People’s Congress. Delegates were also taken to a new settlement outside of Lhasa.
The report notes the Tibet Museum’s “very strong emphasis upon a narrative that Tibet had for many many centuries been part of China” (p.17). Commendably, the report records its own more impartial version of Tibetan history in the introductory notes to its Tibet section.
The official meetings are described as “very cordial” (p.17), while again noting the hosts’ efforts to drill home the standard Chinese account of Tibet’s modern history.
Reflecting the delegation’s limited access beyond a series of tightly controlled site visits and formal receptions, the report sheds little light on the ground realities in Lhasa today.
“Whilst the delegation was the first official Parliamentary delegation into TAR in 19 years, it would have been helpful for the delegation to have had meetings with more individuals and groups to enable a greater appreciation of the state of TAR.” (p.17)
Comparing their visit to the 1991 delegation, the report notes that the MPs and Senators were “struck by the relative freedom of access offered to the previous visit” as compared to their own, “and the far more direct way in which Australia’s concerns were communicated and engaged with” (p.18).
Overall the report contains few if any surprises. Having observed closely other recent delegations, neither ATC nor the delegation were under any illusion as to the level of access they were likely to be granted.
Encouragingly, the report notes that “many useful discussions were held, one on one, after the formal proceedings of the receptions in each of the cities. The Chinese officials to whom delegates spoke welcomed these questions, were thoughtful and direct in their responses and did not shy away from areas of disagreement” (p.18). However, as such discussions fell outside of the formal proceedings they could not be recorded in the report. Individual delegates have told us of having made valuable person-to-person contacts, likewise not recorded in the report.
In conclusion, while ATC remains broadly supportive of this initiative and regards it is an important and positive step by the Australian Parliament, it has served also as a reminder of the difficulty of engaging constructively with the Chinese Government over Tibet at any level.
The Tibet section of the report concludes with the statement “It is hoped that future delegations to Tibet will have opportunities to see more” (p.18), and with the assertion that “There is no doubt the Australia-China relationship is robust enough for honest dialogue about human rights and other sensitive issues to occur without damaging the relationship” (p.18) - something we intend to hold them to!
Lowy Institute: 66% Not Satisfied with Rudd Government on Human Rights in China
Last week the Lowy Institute released its annual poll on “Australia and the World: Public Opinion and Foreign Policy”, a yearly barometer of everyday Australians’ attitudes to all things beyond our shores.
As with previous polls, a large section is given over to China, reflecting the central place China now seems to occupy on the minds of anyone with more than a passing interest in international affairs.
Significantly for us, and particularly as we approach the Federal election, 66% do not believe that Australia is doing enough to pressure China over human rights.
The results were so striking as to prompt Peter Hartcher, international editor of the Sydney Morning Herald, to write an opinion piece on the matter:
As China rises, it demands a deference we should be wary to give
Hartcher picked up particularly on the fact that a majority of Australians (55%) consider China to be the world’s leading economic power. While this is incorrect (at least by any conventional measure as the US still has three times China’s GDP), it says a lot about our perception of China.
While 73% of Australians believe China’s growth has been good for Australia (up from 63% last year), 57% now believe that our government is allowing too much investment from China (up from 50%). 69% believe China’s aim is to dominate Asia (up from 60%) and, perhaps most remarkably of all, 46% believe China will become a military threat to Australia in the next 20 years (up from 41%).
If the public were aware of the full extent of Chinese intrusions into Australian political, educational and business life (see our 2009 report Courting the Dragon) then I suspect the results would be much higher still. |